Woman Suffrage in the Midwest

Ida B. Wells and the Alpha Suffrage Club. Ida B. Wells-Barnett formed the Alpha Suffrage Club in January 1913 for African American women in the Chicago area. The club sent Wells-Barnett to the national suffrage parade in DC in early March that same year.

Image from Capper’s Weekly (Topeka, Kansas) 01 August 1914, pg. 3.

By Elyssa Ford

Unlike other regions of the country where it is possible to see clear patterns in the woman suffrage story, such as the West with its early successes or the South where racism impeded the expansion of voting rights, the Midwest has no single dominant narrative of the woman suffrage campaign. Though by the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 all midwestern states had extended some form of suffrage to women, only a few granted women full voting rights. Several others offered women presidential and municipal suffrage, others allowed presidential suffrage alone. While two states had approved woman suffrage measures in the early 1910s, most of these states acted only shortly before the federal amendment passed.^[1]

Despite such variation, there were several common threads in the midwestern fight for woman suffrage. The values of piety, morality, and domesticity led to strong and complicated ties to other social movements. Issues of race, ethnicity, and class as well as the rural-urban divide created internal divisions and provided opportunities for expanded support. At times midwestern suffragists found themselves at odds with the national leadership, even as they sometimes depended on them for guidance and financial support. These threads demonstrate why suffrage success was difficult, though not impossible, to achieve in these states.

Discussion of woman suffrage first began in the Midwest’s eastern states as suffragists from the East toured the region. In 1845 and 1846, Ernestine Rose of New York campaigned for social reform and women’s rights, even speaking in the hall of the Michigan House of Representatives on these controversial issues.^[2] In 1853, Lucy Stone, an organizer from Massachusetts, began a speaking tour of what she called “the West”—Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, Missouri, Illinois, and Wisconsin. Even in her radical bloomer outfit, she received a warm welcome in these midwestern states. In St. Louis, the newspaper reported that her talk drew the largest crowd ever assembled for a speaker. A medical college suspended classes so faculty and students could attend, and a local minister even cancelled the Christmas Eve service so that the congregation could hear Stone’s lecture instead.^[3]

Midwestern women began to organize local suffrage societies and campaigns in the 1860s and 1870s, after the disruption of the Civil War. One of the first was the Missouri Suffrage Association, founded in 1867. In that same year, supporters of both Black and woman suffrage organized the Impartial Suffrage Association in Kansas to fight for two proposed amendments to the state constitution, one to strike “white” and another to strike “male” from the state’s voting requirements. After a brutal campaign that ended up pitting supporters of African American and woman suffrage against one another, the electorate defeated both amendments.^[4] Soon, other state legislatures and constitutional conventions across the Midwest also considered the question of woman suffrage. At times success was achingly close, but all failed. In 1870 Michigan legislators approved woman suffrage, only for the measure to be vetoed by the governor, and in 1872 woman suffrage lost by a single vote in the Dakota Territory.^[5] By that time, women in most midwestern states had created their own statewide societies to support these suffrage efforts.^[6]

Figure 2. Woman suffrage headquarters, Upper Euclid Avenue, Cleveland, 1912. Some of the earliest women’s rights conventions were held in Ohio, and the American Woman Suffrage Association was established in Cleveland in 1869. Courtesy Library of Congress.

Like other regions of the country, the Midwest faced the challenge of trying to coordinate the various suffrage groups. In many states, local and state organizing preceded national campaigns. While national groups saw themselves as directing the suffrage movement from above, in many ways national organizing was a response to preexisting grassroots efforts, and the national organizations at times struggled to influence state campaigns as state and local organizations tried to remain independent.^[7] For instance, when divisions led to the separate formation of the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA) from the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) in 1869, the Missouri Suffrage Association refused to join either group, though later the Missouri organization became badly divided by affiliations with both AWSA and NWSA. Iowa formed its first state-level organization in 1870 and, despite the presence of national representatives from both groups, decided to remain independent. Just a year later, the Indiana Woman Suffrage Association chose to withdraw from AWSA and become independent.^[8]

Tensions between national, state, and local suffragists came to the fore in Michigan in 1874 when the question of woman suffrage was sent to male voters. Susan B. Anthony increasingly believed that state strategies like this hurt the national effort but still decided to go to Michigan. To her surprise, she received an unenthusiastic welcome. Local suffrage workers were concerned that Anthony’s ties to the controversial “free love” advocate Victoria Woodhull would provide fodder for anti-suffragists. Even newspapers traditionally in support of woman suffrage wrote attack articles about Anthony and Woodhull and condemned the outside, eastern presence and their immoral values. In the end, suffrage lost by a vote of 135,000 to 40,000. Local organizers blamed Anthony and other national leaders for tainting the campaign, while national groups blamed local suffragists for being poorly organized.^[9]

Despite these tensions, many midwestern suffragists were leaders in the national movement. Unsuccessful in securing the vote through state legislatures and constitutional conventions, midwestern suffragists pioneered a strategy that became known as the New Departure. In 1869 at a national suffrage convention in St. Louis, Virginia Minor and her husband, Francis, pointed to the Fourteenth Amendment to argue that women, as citizens, already had the right to vote. In answer to the Minors’ call for women to simply use this right, hundreds of women across the country went to the polls. Most were denied and some, including Susan B. Anthony, were arrested. In 1872, Virginia Minor sued after she was refused voter registration in Missouri. Minor v. Happersett advanced to the US Supreme Court, which ruled unanimously that voting was not a right of citizenship. This seminal case ended the New Departure and forced suffragists to redouble their efforts on state legislatures and a national amendment.^[10]

Throughout their fight for the vote, one constant remained. Midwestern suffrage groups, much like those in the East, focused on morality, piety, and domesticity—the values women promised to bring to the political arena.^[11] As one male Iowa state senator said in support of woman suffrage in 1865, “Do you want all grogshops, gambling houses, and corrupt houses of ill-fame banished from the State? If so, let women vote. They will elect men who will execute the laws, and legislators who will enact laws.”^[12] Yet this emphasis on morality proved to be problematic. The Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) was founded in 1874 in Cleveland, Ohio, a city known as “the Mecca of the Crusade” against alcohol. Under president Frances Willard’s “Do Everything” campaign, unveiled in 1882, the WCTU encouraged members to support woman suffrage, making the WCTU an important ally of the suffrage movement. However, suffragists’ alignment with the WCTU also created powerful enemies.^[13]

The liquor industry actively opposed the temperance movement and, through extension, voting rights for women. Wisconsin brewers provided the nation’s best funded opposition to woman suffrage.^[14] The German-American Alliance also was hostile to woman suffrage because of its connection to the brewing industry. By 1914 the alliance had a membership in the millions and a powerful lobby in Washington.^[15] Germans provided significant opposition to suffrage throughout the Midwest, and they were not the only ethnic group to align with liquor interests. At the 1880 Democratic convention in South Dakota, a large delegation of Russian immigrants wore liquor industry badges that proclaimed “Against Woman Suffrage and Susan B. Anthony.”^[16]

Figure 3. Carrie Chapman Catt was raised in Iowa and was the only female graduate of her college class in 1880. Soon she became involved in the suffrage push as a lecturer and writer, and in 1900 she succeeded Susan B. Anthony as the president of the NAWSA. Courtesy the Library of Congress.

A particularly crushing defeat at the hands of the liquor industry came in Michigan in 1912. After decades of organizing, the governor called for a vote, and the measure had strong support from various interests, including farmers. Victory seemed assured until alcohol lobbyists pressed for a recount. There was a strong suspicion of ballot tampering during that process, and suffrage lost by seven hundred votes. Women in Michigan had to wait until 1917 for presidential suffrage and 1918 for full suffrage.^[17]

As suffragists realized the problems that came with their relationship with prohibitionists, they moved away from working closely with the temperance movement. In South Dakota, suffrage proponents ended their alliance with temperance advocates in the mid-1910s and began sending the German community copies of their suffrage paper.^[18] Still, the association between temperance and woman suffrage lingered. In some areas it was the passage of state prohibition laws that finally allowed woman suffrage to gain traction because only then did the opposition from the liquor industry cease. Following a divisive and ultimately unsuccessful battle for suffrage in Kansas in 1867, proponents were hopeful following the passage of state prohibition in 1879. With that success, the WCTU held significant influence in the state, and their ties to the Kansas Equal Suffrage Association helped lead to passage of the country’s first state-level municipal woman suffrage law in 1887.^[19] Something similar happened in South Dakota. In 1916 men in the state voted on both prohibition and woman suffrage. Prohibition won while woman suffrage garnered 48 percent of the vote, an unprecedented high. Suffrage supporters believed their success was now assured because the liquor vote had been silenced. They were right; at their next attempt, in 1918, South Dakota women finally achieved full suffrage.^[20]

Figure 4. Five women from the Minnesota branch of the Congressional Union stand with their banners in front of the National Woman’s Party headquarters. One of the banners attests to the involvement of Scandinavian women in the suffrage movement. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

Midwestern suffragists adopted arguments of female morality, piety, and domesticity as justifications for the vote beyond their connection with temperance. Jane Addams promoted a variation of this argument with her call for municipal housekeeping (also called civic or public housekeeping). Drawing upon her experience with settlement houses in Chicago, Addams argued not that women were different from men and, thus, could purify politics, but that women’s household tasks actually made them uniquely qualified to be city leaders and to clean up the problems caused by industrialization. “The ballot,” she said, “would afford the best possible protection to working women and expediate that protective legislation which they so sadly need and in which America is so deficient.”^[21]

Addams’s argument resonated best in the region’s cities, such as Chicago, Omaha, Minneapolis, and St. Louis, where most suffrage activities were centered. But midwestern states also had significant rural populations with somewhat different concerns. Organizations like the Grange, Farmers’ Alliance, and Populist Party routinely endorsed woman suffrage in the Midwest, and by the 1890s, suffrage groups became more adept at leveraging that support. This was especially true in Kansas where these rural associations all promoted the role of women within their organizations and supported a more democratic and egalitarian society. In 1892, shortly after the founding of the Populist Party in Kansas, rural publications targeted women as farmers and as political actors. Its paper the Farmer’s Wife declared a “Women’s War” and vowed to fight any suffrage opponents until the vote was won.^[22]

Leaders in other states also targeted farm women with their publications and grassroots campaigns. Following decades of defeat in Nebraska, urban-based suffrage organizations changed their approach in 1914 and included rural women in their push. They wrote articles that targeted farm wives and specifically asked their opinions. They even expanded their donation policy to accept crops and farm animals to encourage rural involvement. The message was received positively. As one rural woman wrote to a suffrage paper, “The woman farm owner is considered a citizen only when the taxes fall due, but on election day she may not say how those taxes are spent.” Despite their differences, rural and urban Nebraska women were able to see that they both were without an important voice—the vote. Nebraska suffragists’ ability to broaden their message to include rural areas helped them win partial suffrage in 1918.^[23]

Something similar happened in Iowa. In the late nineteenth century, urban suffrage leaders preferred to work within their own social circles. When their efforts garnered few results, they looked to new ways to attract rural support, including an automobile tour of small communities and speakers on the Chautauqua circuit. In 1916, with this dual urban-rural approach, suffragists undertook one of the largest grassroots campaigns in Iowa’s history. The vote for the suffrage referendum failed in the end, but the change in tactic contributed to a closer vote than previous ones in 1872 and 1909.^[24]

The organizing and mobilizing by the region’s African American women also contributed to suffrage successes. At times Black women were supported by white suffrage leaders. For instance, when Lucy Stone learned that Black women had been denied entrance to her talk in Indiana while on her 1853 tour of the Midwest, she demanded that African Americans be permitted to attend the following night and was steadfast in her decision even when told this would mean some of the local white population would refuse to attend.^[25] More frequently, it was Black women who had to demand that white suffragists include their voices and perspectives. Josephine St. Pierre did this at the 1900 meeting of the General Federation of Women’s Clubs in Wisconsin when she pushed for Black and white women to unify. Instead, she was taunted, and other leading Black women, such as Mary Church Terrell from the National Association of Colored Women, were not even allowed to speak.^[26] Often excluded from white women’s suffrage meetings, Black women organized among themselves to advance suffrage rights for all African Americans. Even though Black women in the Midwest did not face the same hostility as those in the South, they still endured discrimination within the suffrage movement.

Once they gained suffrage, Black women proved to be an influential voting bloc. Illinois women gained local suffrage in 1914, and Black leaders such as Ida B. Wells-Barnett immediately began to mobilize Black women as voters, partly because they feared that the state planned to offer broader suffrage but only to white women. Wells wanted to ensure that Black women were aware of their rights. They had largely been left out of the Illinois Woman Suffrage Association, but due to Wells’s work and the potential threat to their voting rights, Black women created the Alpha Suffrage Club. (Figure 1) They gained the support of Black men by arguing that they wanted the vote to help elect Black men into office. Through their efforts to register men and women, Chicago’s predominately Black Second Ward soon was sixth out of the city’s thirty-five wards for voter registration. The Alpha Suffrage Club then put those voters to work. The group helped elect the city’s first Black alderman and defeat a candidate supported by white suffragists. Black women also demonstrated the power of their collective action in Ohio. In 1919, the Colored Women’s Republican Club changed its name to the Colored Women’s Independent Political League as a public repudiation of that party when the Republican-dominated Ohio legislature defeated an equal rights bill. This successful work by Black women made other groups take notice. Anti-suffragists in the South used the Illinois example to demonstrate the danger of extending the vote and, thereby, expanding Black voting potential.^[27]

Figure 5. In June 1916, more than three thousand women, clad in white, held a “walkless, talkless parade” in St. Louis. The goal was to demonstrate how, without the vote, the voices of women had been silenced. Courtesy of the Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis.

By the start of the twentieth century, the national woman suffrage movement had come together with the creation of the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) in 1890, which united NWSA and AWSA. Yet new divisions appeared with the formation of the more radical Congressional Union in 1913. Its leader Alice Paul quickly began to make movements into the Midwest, where she was met with varied responses. The Ohio Woman Suffrage Association invited both NAWSA and the Congressional Union to set up offices in the state in 1915. (Figure 2) Carrie Chapman Catt of Iowa, president of NAWSA, said that the Ohio group had “lost its senses” and urged the state to oppose the Congressional Union. (Figure 3) Leaders in Wisconsin and Minnesota also called for an end to the divisions and tried to work with both national groups.^[28] Despite the national divisions, groups in the Midwest—just as they had earlier with AWSA and NWSA—often wanted to see less fighting and more collaboration.

By 1915, ten western states and Kansas—the first in the Midwest—had adopted full woman suffrage.^[29] Successful on their third attempt in 1912, Kansas suffragists adopted a wide range of tactics. They held bazaars and teas to raise money, worked with local communities to stage the play How the Vote Was Won, and held essay contests in public schools, where children competed for prizes but the real purpose was to convert their parents to the suffrage cause. With a margin of almost twenty thousand votes, Kansas became “the seventh star” of woman suffrage in the country and the first in the Midwest.^[30]

Throughout this period, national speakers continued to travel the Midwest. In 1914, Alice Paul sent Congressional Union organizers to the states with full suffrage. In this campaign, Paul’s goal was to organize women and men to support a federal suffrage amendment and to vote against Democratic candidates as a means of opposing the party’s anti-suffrage tendencies. One organizer reported from Kansas that she was well-received in the state and shared accounts that, upon hearing her message, people were planning to change their life-long affiliation with the Democratic Party. Despite this push, Democratic presidential candidate Woodrow Wilson won reelection in 1916 in almost all of the suffrage states, including Kansas.^[31]

The Congressional Union—by 1917 known as the National Woman’s Party (NWP)—was disappointed with its two-year effort. By 1918 the NWP was doing limited on-the-ground work in the Midwest, other than a few scattered speaking tours that, according to the speakers, had little impact in a region that seemed to be without hope. That year, Alice Henkle, an NWP representative, wrote home to the organization’s headquarters, “I hope this is my last week here. Kansas City [Missouri] is the limit, but I hope I am bringing something out of the chaos I found here. At least we have a lot of activity and that has stirred up the women to really take an interest.”^[32] (Figure 4)

The reality of the suffrage push in Missouri—like in much of the Midwest—was stronger and more active than Alice Henkle understood. After early initial success in the West, suffragists won no new states between 1896 and 1910. Then, in the short time from 1910 to 1916, they achieved victories across the West and in Kansas. They organized intensely throughout the region in that period, with referenda in Ohio, Wisconsin, Michigan, South and North Dakota, Missouri, and Nebraska.^[33] (Figure 5) These votes failed, but suffragists in Michigan and South Dakota soon achieved their goal with the passage of full suffrage in 1918, and by 1919 all other midwestern states extended partial suffrage to women. Though not as successful as their sisters in the West, suffragists in the Midwest achieved extraordinary victories despite organized and powerful opposition. They led almost constant suffrage campaigns and adeptly changed their tactics as circumstances dictated. Through signature gathering, parades, automobile tours, theatric tableaus, speeches, tabling at county fairs, and publications, suffragists in the Midwest worked within their local communities, struggled to bridge the rural-urban divide, allied with friendly political parties and organizations, devised strategies to counter their well-funded opposition, and drew guidance and inspiration from national organizations. These diverse approaches made the Midwest one of the most varied and successful regions in the country in the campaign for woman suffrage.

Elyssa Ford is an associate professor of history at Northwest Missouri State University where she directs the Honors Program and Public History & Museum Studies Program. She has published in the Pacific Historical Review, Critical Studies in Men’s Fashion, and the Journal of Museum Education. Her current book project examines race, gender, and cultural identity in American rodeos, and she is completing a project on Alma Nash, a band leader and Missouri participant in the National Woman Suffrage Parade in 1913.

Notes:

[1] Kansas passed full woman suffrage in 1912, and Michigan and South Dakota did so in 1918. Illinois passed presidential suffrage in 1913; Michigan, Ohio (repealed by a popular initiative but reenacted in 1919), North Dakota, Nebraska, and Indiana (halted by a court challenge but reenacted in 1919) in 1917; and, Indiana, Iowa, Missouri, Ohio, Minnesota, and Wisconsin did so in 1919. Eileen L. McDonagh and H. Douglas Price, “Woman Suffrage in the Progressive Era: Patterns of Opposition and Support in Referenda Voting, 1910–1918,” American Political Science Review 79, no. 2 (June 1985): 417.

[2] Carol A. Kolmertern, The American Life of Ernestine L. Rose (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1999), 56–57.

[3] Joelle Million, Woman’s Voice, Woman’s Place: Lucy Stone and the Birth of the Woman’s Rights Movement (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003), 159–163.

[4] Faye Dudden, Fighting Chance: The Struggle over Woman Suffrage and Black Suffrage in Reconstruction America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 110–113, 121–122, 127–130; Michael Goldberg, An Army of Women: Gender and Politics in Gilded Age Kansas (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), 17.

[5] Lisa Tetrault, The Myth of Seneca Falls: Memory and the Women’s Suffrage Movement, 1848–1898 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014), 81, 77.

[6] State woman suffrage organizations in North and South Dakota (1889), Ohio (1885), Nebraska (1879), and Minnesota (1881) were founded later. Tetrault, Myth of Seneca Falls, 48–55; Steven M. Buechler, The Transformation of the Woman Suffrage Movement: The Case of Illinois, 1850–1920 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1986), 103; Genevieve G. McBride, On Wisconsin Women: Working for Their Rights from Settlement to Suffrage (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), 46; Louise R. Noun, Strong-Minded Women: The Emergence of the Woman-Suffrage Movement in Iowa (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1969), 36–137; Carmen Heider, “Farm Women, Solidarity, and The Suffrage Messenger: Nebraska Suffrage Activism on the Plains, 1915–1917,” Great Plains Quarterly 32, no. 2 (Spring 2012): 113; Patricia O’Keefe Easton, “Woman Suffrage in South Dakota: The Final Decade, 1911–1920,” South Dakota History 13, no. 3 (Fall 1983): 206; Barbara Stuhler, “Organizing for the Vote: Leaders of Minnesota's Woman Suffrage Movement,” Minnesota History 54, no. 7 (Fall 1995): 293–294. For more on state organizations, see: Holly McKinnon, “Stirring up Suffrage Sentiment: The Formation of the State Woman Suffrage Organizations, 1866–1914,” Social Forces 80, no.2 (December 2001): 449–480.

[7] Tetrault, Myth of Seneca Falls, 53.

[8] Tetrault, Myth of Seneca Falls, 53–54; Monia Cook Morris, “The History of Woman Suffrage in Missouri, 1867–1901,” Missouri Historical Review 25, no. 1 (October 1930): 71–74.

[9] Tetrault, Myth of Seneca Falls, 78–81.

[10] LeeAnn Whites, “The Tale of Two Minors: Women’s Rights on the Border,” in Women in Missouri History: In Search of Power and Influence, ed. LeeAnn Whites, Mary Neth, and Gary Kremer (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2004), 101, 104, 116; Bonnie Steppenoff, “Disfranchised and Degraded: Virginia Minor and the Constitutional Case for Women’s Suffrage,” Missouri Law and the American Conscience: Historical Rights & Wrongs, ed. Kenneth Winn (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2016), 110–16; Tetrault, Myth of Seneca Falls, 59, 73-74; Noun, Strong-Minded Women, 175.

[11] Sara Egge, “‘When We Get to Voting’: Rural Women, Community, Gender, and Woman Suffrage in the Midwest” (PhD diss., University of Iowa, 2012).

[12] Noun, Strong-Minded Women, 42.

[13] McBride, On Wisconsin Women, 80, 82–85, 106–107.

[14] Genevieve McBride, review of Women’s Suffrage in Wisconsin, Part 1, Records of the Wisconsin Woman Suffrage Association, 1892–1925, Journal of American History 79, no. 4 (March 1993): 1704–1706.

[15] Jane Jerome Camhi, Women against Women: American Anti-Suffragism, 1880–1920 (Brooklyn, NY: Carlson Publishing, Inc., 1994), 110; Easton, “Woman Suffrage in South Dakota,” 212.

[16] Dorinda Riessen-Reed, The Woman Suffrage Movement in South Dakota (Vermillion, SD: University of South Dakota, 1958), 33.

[17] Justin Hinkley, “‘They Persisted’: Lessons for Today’s Activists on Centennial of Michigan Women’s Suffrage,” Lansing State Journal, January 23, 2018.

[18] Easton, “Woman Suffrage in South Dakota,” 207, 214.

[19] Goldberg, Army of Women, 4–6, 14–17.

[20] Easton, “Woman Suffrage in South Dakota,” 212, 218, 223–226; Riessen-Reed, Woman Suffrage Movement in South Dakota, 116.

[21] Quoted in Karen Pastorello, “‘The Transfigured Few’: Jane Addams, Bessie Abramowitz Hillman, and Immigrant Women Workers in Chicago, 1905–15,” in Jane Addams and the Practice of Democracy, ed. Marilyn Fischer, Carol Nackenoff, and Wendy Chmielewski (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2009), 110; Marilyn Fischer, “The Conceptual Scaffolding of Newer Ideals of Peace,” in Fischer, Nackenoff, and Chmielewski, Jane Addams and the Practice of Democracy, 180.

[22] Goldberg, Army of Women, 3, 130, 218.

[23] Heider, “Farm Women, Solidarity, and The Suffrage Messenger,” 120–121, 126. Legal action delayed woman suffrage in Nebraska for two more years, and women there did not achieve full suffrage until the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment.

[24]“Women’s Suffrage in Iowa,” Iowa Women’s Archives, University of Iowa Libraries, 2011.

[25] Million, Woman’s Voice, Woman’s Place, 159–163.

[26] Rosalyn Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 1850–1920 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998), 119.

[27] Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 99, 103, 114, 124, 139.

[28] Christine A. Lunardini, From Equal Suffrage to Equal Rights: Alice Paul and the National Woman’s Party, 1910–1928 (New York: New York University Press, 1986), 74–76, 82.

[29] The western territory of Alaska also had full woman suffrage (1913).

[30] Martha B. Caldwell, “The Woman Suffrage Campaign of 1912,” Kansas Historical Quarterly 12, no.3 (August 1943): 301–302. Quote by Dr. Anna Howard Shaw, renowned suffrage speaker, 317.

[31] Lunardini, From Equal Suffrage to Equal Rights, 62–65, 101–102.

[32] Lunardini, From Equal Suffrage to Equal Rights, 114.

[33]Allison Sneider, Suffragists in an Imperial Age: U.S. Expansion and the Woman Questions, 1870–1929 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 119.

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———. “Non-Partisan and All-Partisan: Rethinking Woman Suffrage and Party Politics in Gilded Age Kansas.” Western Historical Quarterly 25, no. 1 (Spring 1994): 21–44.

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Hinkley, Justin. “‘They Persisted’: Lessons for Today’s Activists on Centennial of Michigan Women’s Suffrage.” Lansing State Journal, January 23, 2018.

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