CHAPTER 4: THE KANTISHNA AND NEARBY MINING DISTRICTS (continued) The toils, character, and relentless energy of the miners inspired many descriptions. Robert Dunn, in 1903, captured the spirit of those embarked on a gold rush:
Three years later Doctor Cook caught the ephemeral nature of the mining camps as prospectors swarmed the creeks and moved on if they didn't pay:
A camp that stuck, the Kantishna, hosted Belmore Browne and Doctor Parker on the backtrail from their 1912 climb. Browne's relation of encounters with the durables of that community provides a cameo of them and their way of life. Seeing the first strangers for months, the climbers at first were shy. But the welcome they received broke their sense of strangeness instantly. On Moose Creek they met two miners named Clark and Fink. They were working a lay, a claim owned by another miner who received a percentage of the pay. While the visitors learned how to eat at a table again, their hosts"the best type of the Alaska pioneer"told of the yearly round:
Later Browne and Parker passed through Joe Dalton's discovery claim on the way to his current diggings farther up Eureka Creek. There, they had been told, Dalton had cached some dog feed for them. From Dalton and others they learned of the Katmai eruption, which explained the distant boomings they had heard on the mountain, and the earthquake whose worst effects they had narrowly escaped. They reflected on these denizens of the far creeks:
Another Eureka Creek miner, Fred Hauselman, a Swiss, now guided them to Glacier Creek, where they were welcomed "to the palatial home" of Fanny and Joe Quigley. Fanny, originally from a Bohemian settlement in Nebraska, was known in Kantishna's early days as "Mother McKenzie." She was still the only woman in camp, providing that touch of home that the miners missed so much. Joining the Ninety-Eight rush to the Klondike, she had since migrated from camp to campcooking, and prospecting and mining in her own right. At Kantishna she met and in 1906 married Joe Quigleyfirst staker of Glacier Creeka pre-gold rush prospector who had crossed the Chilkoot Pass in 1891. Their home was spacious and clean, well lighted and cheerful. Books and magazines bespoke lively intellectual interests. A flourishing garden, with flowers and vegetables, fed soul and stomach. Their permafrost cellar kept meat frozen, and their cooler kept vegetables fresh.
Though small of stature, Fanny was strong and rugged:
Browne compared the meals she cooked to Roman feasts: meats, breads, vegetables, jellies, pies, and a wild rhubarb sauce that beat any tame rhubarb Browne had eaten. All was washed down with ice-cold potato beer, of which Fanny was master brewer. After dinner, their hostsand Sourdough climber Charley McGonagall, who had also joined themtold of mountains, hunting, the habits of animals, and the many adventures of wilderness life. All too soon this visit ended and the surfeited mountaineers proceeded to Glacier City, some 12 miles away. Just before they began the trek, Pete Anderson, another of the Sourdoughs, passed by Quigley's and invited them to drop in at his cabin when they reached the old supply town. The hike was long and it rained. They came upon the remains of a decrepit bridge over a slough, "a wonderful structure" in that wild, out-of-the-way place, a harbinger of civilization. Rain-soaked and tired, they finally discovered a line of moss-covered cabins, now overgrown with alders. Fronting them was the dim trail, also being recaptured by Nature, that led to Glacier City. A clearing and more lines of empty cabins marked the center of the town. Smoke from one of them, and a hail from Anderson, brought them to another stupendous meal, after a change to dry clothes that were relics of the stampede. From Glacier City, they loaded their duffle on packhorses belonging to Sourdough Billy Taylor and quick-stepped the last leg of their march to the head of navigation on Moose Creek. Here, as urged by a miner named Greiss (whom they had met on Eureka Creek), they partook of his cabin and grub, including fresh garden greens, then they reconditioned an abandoned stampeder's boat, salvaged by Greiss, for the drift down the rivers to the Yukon. [15]
Another traveler of the same period, Lee R. Dice, a government fur warden, left us a picture of the prospector-fur trapper way of life in the Lake Minchumina area. Ben Anderson and James Johnson had located their cabin and prospects on a small creek draining a high dome between the lake and the upper North Fork of Kuskokwim River. They were working on one of several prospect holes that reached to bedrock when Dice called upon them in the winter of 1911. He had met them earlier at the Tanana trading station and was following up on their invitation to visit. Anderson and Johnson were thawing the frozen ground with hot rocks heated in a wood fire. The rocks were lowered to the bottom of the shaft, covered with moss, and then after several hours, retrieved. The resulting foot or so of thawed muck was shoveled into a bucket by the man in the shaft; the man on top used a hand windlass to hoist the bucket loads to the surface. Then the whole process was repeated. The holes at this prospect, which had yet to show colors, averaged 70 feet deep. Dice learned from these men that the fur bearers around Lake Minchumina had been pretty well trapped out by the Indians who lived in a small village on the lake. His hosts, nearly done with their prospecting, invited Dice to move with them down the Kuskokwim to their trapping cabin. Dice accepted this proposition with alacrity and great appreciation, for they knew that part of his work involved trapping fur animals for scientific purposes, which would make him not only a guest but also a competitor of sorts. They arrived in good country for fur: low hills covered with spruce and patches of birch, and plenty of creeks, lakes, and swamps. Marten and weasel were common. Abundant hares attracted lynx. Otter, beaver, and muskrat frequented lakes and streams. Dice noted that in 1911-12, many prospectors and miners had shifted to trapping in the winter, even though this pursuit interfered with their search for gold and their accumulation of winter "dumps," the piles of pay dirt hauled out of the frozen ground in anticipation of spring sluicing. The furs would buy the grubstakes for the next season of mining.
In contrast was the seasonal round of the full-time trapper:
Dice admired the ingenuity of his generous companions, who, with nothing but a few hand tools, some line, and very few nails could fashion cabins, boats, buckets, furniture, winches, sluice boxes, and just about anything else from the trees that grew around them. Their improvisational genius is illustrated by this passage from Dice's manuscript:
The coming of World War I accelerated a general decline of mining in Alaska, and led to the exodus of many miners who joined the armed forces or sought wartime wages in the States. Those who serviced the miners in towns and camps also gravitated to wartime economic opportunities Outside. A hardcore of miners did remain. In the Kantishna, Joe Quigley and the Sourdoughs-Lloyd, Taylor, McGonagall, and Andersonalong with Charles A. Trundy and a few others continued lode prospecting, mainly for gold. These and earlier prospecting efforts had discovered antimony deposits on Slate, Caribou, and Stampede creeks, and some ore was extracted. But depressed market prices foiled the miners and the ore piles remained at the sites, too expensive to ship.
This lode prospecting for gold and other minerals opened up the possibility of a bright futureagain, good, all-weather transportation could be developed. Not until after the war would the Alaska Railroad and the spur roads and trails that it spawned bring this hope to any pitch of immediacy. But even then the isolation of the Kantishna and its neighboring districts would continue to inhibit large-scale development. Fluctuating market prices for metals other than gold added to the marginality of these distant prospects and mines, despite promising quantities and assay values. [18] Until 1924, with the passage of the Indian Citizenship Act, Denali region Indians seldom engaged in mining as claim owners and operators. There were instances, as in the Valdez Creek district, where Indians leased or worked shares on white-owned claims. [19] But the legal status of Alaska Natives, set by the 1867 Treaty of Cession, forbad all but those totally assimilated to the dominant culture (i.e., "citizens") from owning claims. Given the biases of those times, few people of Native heritage qualified as citizens. [20] Denali-region Natives worked as wage laborers, sometimes at the mines, more often in the transportation, and supply systems that supported mining. The exceptional Native entrepreneurial period of roadhouse, transportation, and hunting-fishing supply services in the Kantishna-Minchumina Lake area (cited in Chapter 2) was largely a function of isolation and a low level of economic activity, which was unattractive to non-Native enterprisers. The philosophy of the Natives' subsistence way of life was to get enough meat and other necessities for comfortable living. When wage-labor opportunities came with mining into their areas, the Indians tended to adhere to that philosophy of moderation. Money was useful to a point. But subjecting oneself to wage labor for cash beyond necessitythat is, the year's store-bought suppliesmade little sense. In fact it was nonsensical, because one had to hunt and fish for the family's true necessities, and wage-work shortened time on the land for those activities. Trapping, a more congenial way of earning cash than working for someone else, also took time. The complaints of mine operators about the Indians' poor work attendance took little account of this logic. Such complaints and such logic still contend today when Native Alaskans respond to traditional calls back to the land. That Natives often successfully incorporated the new economic opportunities into the larger subsistence life-way was a positive adaptation. But some other effects of the breakdown of isolation and the weakening of traditional patterns led to disaster: addiction to liquor (used by unscrupulous traders to bilk the Natives of their furs); the spread of diseases (some with catastrophic effect); and - because of time taken for trapping furs, thus neglecting hunting and fishing - over-dependence on inferior store-bought foods. These, and much else in the baggage of "civilization," led to decline of physical health, which, combined with imported epidemics, caused die-offs of entire bands. Traditional social patterns of hunting, fishing, and sharing the harvest of the land were wrenched if not destroyed by these tribulations and the insidious workings of the cash economy. As elders died or their counsel was neglected, traditional knowledge for competent life on the land lapsed. This process accelerated as children went to schools (both mission and government), which, with few exceptions, worked to eliminate Native beliefs and modes of life. In the more isolated areas, and in those places where the boom and bust of mining and all that came in its train was short-lived, the elders and the rudiments of tradition survived. Then, if there was a pause in the march of progress, and if non-Native hunters and trappers were not too numerous, Native families and bands could regroup to fashion a more balanced accommodation between modern and traditional influences. These struggles still go on. [21] At the end of the early mining period the Denali region was still an isolated backwasha few small mining camps and trading stations, connected with each other and the outer world by tenuous trails of transport and communication. These trails were marked by the occasional roadhouse and scattered Native settlements. As the railroad approached, it spawned construction camps that would become modem towns. It would open the way for big-time coal mining on Healy Creek, just north of a new national park established by Congress in 1917 in the most remote part of the American land.
dena/hrs/hrs4a.htm Last Updated: 04-Jan-2004 |