Contents
Foreword
Preface
The Invaders 1540-1542
The New Mexico: Preliminaries to Conquest 1542-1595
Oñate's Disenchantment 1595-1617
The "Christianization" of Pecos 1617-1659
The Shadow of the Inquisition 1659-1680
Their Own Worst Enemies 1680-1704
Pecos and the Friars 1704-1794
Pecos, the Plains, and the Provincias Internas 1704-1794
Toward Extinction 1794-1840
Epilogue
Abbreviations
Notes
Bibliography
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A Spaniard's Description of
Cicuye
For an Indian pueblo, all agreed, it was impressive.
"Cicuye," wrote chronicler Pedro de Castañeda,
is a pueblo of as many as five hundred warriors. It
is feared throughout that land. In plan it is square, founded on a rock.
In the center is a great patio or plaza with its kivas (estufas).
The houses are all alike, of four stories. One can walk above over the
entire pueblo without there being a street to prevent it. At the first
two levels it is completely rimmed by corridors on which one can walk
over the entire pueblo. They are like balconies which project out, and
beneath them one can take shelter.
The houses have no doors at ground level. To climb to
the corridors inside the pueblo they use ladders which can be drawn up;
in this way they have access to the rooms. Since the doors of the houses
open on the corridor on that floor the corridor serves as street. The
houses facing open country are back to back with those inside the patio,
and in time of war they are entered through the inside ones. The pueblo
is surrounded by a low stone wall. Inside there is a spring from which
they can draw water.
The people of this pueblo pride themselves that no
one has been able to subdue them, while they subdue what pueblos they
will. [10]
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Southwest corner of Pecos plaza.
Artist's restoration by S. P. Moorehead. Kidder, Pecos. New
Mexico
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Origin of Cicuye
Ever since at least the thirteenth century by
Christian reckoning, the upper Pecos River Valley had been a frontier of
the Pueblo Indian civilization that flowered in the cliffs and valley
floors to the west. While Spaniards under the sainted Ferdinand III took
the offensive against the Moors, recapturing Córdoba in 1236 and
Sevilla in 1248, a sedentary, farming, pottery-making people was
settling the banks of the Pecos. This cultural and human migration came
mainly from the area of the San Juan drainage. It seems also to have
absorbed increments from the plains to the east. Geographically, the
upper Pecos lay between; culturally, it owed more to pueblos than to
plains.
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Bird forms from Forked Lightning-Pecos
black-on-white pottery. After Kidder, Pottery, I
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The immigrants had lived at first in haphazard
collections of rectangular rooms built mostly of coursed adobe mud,
easily added to or abandoned as need arose, sometimes more or less
linear, sometimes enclosing small patios, "straggling affairs on flat
land open to attack from any direction, sites chosen with no eye to
defense." One such town, known to archaeologists as the Forked Lightning
Ruin, lay on the west bank of the Arroyo del Pueblo, or Galisteo Creek,
just half a mile below the site of the future Cicuye and a little over a
mile above the arroyo's confluence with the Pecos. Its time of maximum
occupancy, during which it must have housed hundreds of people, had run
from about 1225 A.D. to 1300, when nomads from the plains, or other
Pueblos, began sporadic raiding.
Forced for the first time to think in terms of
defense, the people of Forked Lightning had made an orderly exodus up
the arroyo and crossed over to where a steep-sided, flat-topped ridge
afforded them an unobstructed view all round. To the north loomed the
great gray-green mountains in whose ponderosa fastness the river rose.
Clear and cold but shallow, really no more than "a small perennial
stream," it flowed by their ridge a mile to the east. The valley here,
four or five miles wide, was contained toward the sunrise by the gentler
foothills of the Tecolote Range and toward the sunset by the towering
reddish cliffs of Glorieta Mesa. Here, too, scattered piñon and
juniper trees, chamisa bushes and cholla cactus gave way to open spaces
of tall native grasses. If one followed the river southeastward around
the end of the Tecolote foothills, he soon looked out upon the
ocean-like expanse of the true plains.
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A. V. Kidder's excavations of the Forked
Lightning Ruin, 1926-1929. Black walls masonry, all others coursed
earth; skeletons (flexed) shown as oriented, cross-lined buried above
floor level, others below or in open. Kidder, Pecos, New
Mexico
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For about a century and a half, from roughly 1300 to
1450, generations of the Forked Lightning people and others who joined
them on their long narrow ridge, or mesilla (literally, little
mesa), had moved about from one spot to another, building new clusters
of one-storied dwellings rather than repairing the old ones. Because
there was an abundance of sandstone at hand, they had become masons,
laying up walls of "stones embedded between cushions of mud." Curiously,
their earliest work was their best. Examining examples of later
buildings, pioneer archaeologist Adolph Bandelier concluded that it was
no better than "judicious piling," and sometimes worse.
Presumably because of pressure from enemies, everyone
in the valley had gathered on the mesilla by about 1400. Around 1450, a
year before Isabella of Castile was born in Spain, they had begun a
monumental community project. Designed in advance and built as a unit, a
single, defensible, multi-storied apartment building, it took the form
of a giant rectangle around a spacious plaza. In all, it covered about
two acres at the mesilla's north end. This was the fortress-pueblo of
Cicuye, or Pecos.
Factionalism at Cicuye
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Pecos Glaze IV pottery. Kidder,
Pottery, II.
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By the time the Spaniards appeared, Cicuye, with a
population of two thousand or more, stood alone as the easternmost of
the Pueblo city states. Although its people shared the Towa language
with the Jémez pueblos sixty miles to the west, they were in no
binding way allied with them. In fact, to the Spaniards' bewilderment,
each of the one hundred or so native communities that qualified as
pueblos in l540, whose citizens spoke eight or more mutually
unintelligible languages, was a politically autonomous unit. Alliances
for the most part were unstable and shifting. Still, Cicuye commanded
respect. Among the largest and most powerful of the city states, it
enjoyed by 1540 the benefits of a well-developed commerce between
pueblos and plains. Inside Cicuye's protective walls of stone and earth,
however, in the midst of prosperity, the seeds of factionalism may
already have taken root.
Living together in such close quarters, the Pueblos
had long striven for conformity of behavior. Passive assent to the group
will, suppression of individualism, and the pursuit of uniformity in all
things characterized Pueblo tradition. There was no place in the rigidly
controlled Pueblo community for the boastful self-assertiveness esteemed
among some plains tribes. Yet at Cicuye, gateway to the plains, the
danger of such "contamination" ran high. Plains Indians came regularly
to trade at Cicuye. Slaves from the plains lived in the pueblo. And
certain men of Cicuye, it would seem, in the interest of diplomacy and
trade had become virtual plainsmen themselves, men like Bigotes. [11]
Reception of Spaniards
They all came out that day to gawk and to receive the
Spaniards. "With drums and flageolets similar to fifes, of which they
have many," they escorted their visitors into the pueblo. The mood was
one of guarded festivity. As an offering, the Indians laid before
Álvarado and his men quantities of native dry goodscotton
cloth, feather robes, and animal skins. They held out objects made of
turquoise mined locally. As intently as any fortune seeker, Father
Padilla studied these natives for just one ornament of gold, for some
indication of trade with the rich Seven Cities he sought so
passionately,
But they wore none. Their beads and pendants were of
turquoise, shell, and non-precious stones. They prized eagle claws and
grizzly bear teeth. Flageolets, whistles, and rasps they fashioned from
bone, and jingles from shell. Despite his disappointment, the friar must
have proceeded as in the other pueblos. [12]
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Pecos flageolets made from bird bones,
up to 8" long. Kidder, Artifacts
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Ever since the first twelve Franciscan apostles of
New Spain had erected a great cross at Tlatelolco in 1524, members of
the Order had been setting up crosses in Indian communities wherever
they went. Father Padilla reported to Coronado from Tiguex that they had
put up large crosses in the pueblos along the Río de Nuestra
Señora. And they had "taught the natives to venerate them."
Watching the Indians sprinkle sacred corn meal and tie prayer plumes to
the crosses, the Spaniards assumed that they were venerating them. "They
did it with such eagerness," Father Padilla observed,
that some climbed on the backs of others in order to
reach the arms of the crosses to put plumes and roses [feather rosettes]
on them. Others brought ladders, and while some held them others climbed
up to tie strings in order to fasten the roses and feathers." [13]
Reading the Requerimiento
At some point during the festivities, Álvarado
was obliged to explain to assembled Cicuye what it meant to be vassals
of the Spanish crown. Almost certainly he had the requerimiento
read to them, as he had ordered it read to the Hopis. This remarkable
manifesto, which had accompanied all Spanish conquerors in America since
1514, related how God the creator and lord of mankind had delegated His
authority on earth to the Pope, "as if to say Admirable Great Father and
Governor of men," and the Pope in turn had donated the Americas to Their
Catholic Majesties, the kings of Spain. Therefore, Cicuye must
acknowledge the sovereignty of "the Church as the ruler and superior of
the whole world," the Pope, and in his name, Charles, king of Spain.
They must also consent to have the Holy Catholic Faith preached to them.
They would not be compelled to turn Christian unless they themselves,
"when informed of the truth, should wish to be converted." If they did,
there would be privileges, exemptions, and other benefits.
But should they refuse, the requerimiento continued,
"we shall forcefully enter into your country and shall make war against
you in all ways and manners that we can, and shall subject you to the
yoke and obedience of the Church and of their highnesses." Their wives
and children would be sold into slavery, their goods confiscated, and
their disobedience punished with all the damage the Spaniards could
inflict. "And we protest that the deaths and losses which shall accrue
from this are your fault, and not that of their highnesses, or ours, or
of these soldiers who come with us." [14]
If they understood any of it, which is unlikely, the
people of Cicuye did not object, not initially.
The invaders stayed several days, camped outside
nearby. One of them, after a look around, reported that the pueblo had
"eight large patios each one with its own corridor." He must have been
referring to patios on the upper levels of the house blocks, not to the
great central plaza. [15] Even though made
of rough sandstone and mud, some of the houses struck him as tolerably
good. For the characteristic underground rooms they found in the
pueblos, the Spaniards used the descriptive word estufa, in
Spanish a heating stove, and by extension, an enclosed heated room for
sweat baths. They assumed that these warm estufas with their fire pits
served as quarters for the unmarried lads of the pueblo and as council
rooms for the men, as baths in the Roman sense, On first contact, the
invaders missed the kivas' religious function.
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Pedro Cajete, a Pueblo Indian with
bigotes, or mustaches. Photographed by F. A. Rinehart, 1898. George
Bird Grinnell, The Indians of To-Day (Chicago, 1900).
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The People of Cicuye
The inhabitants of Cicuye, in the Spaniards' eyes,
were no different from those of Tiguex. They looked the same. They
showed the same respect for their old men, practiced the same division
of labor between men and women, and raised the same cropsmaize,
beans, and squashexcept for cotton and turkeys which they obtained
in trade. They dressed the same, made similar pottery, and observed many
of the same customs. As in the other pueblos, the Cicuye maidens,
Castañeda noted later, "go naked until they take a husband,
because the people say that if they do wrong it will soon be seen and
therefore they will not do it." [16]
Álvarado and Father Padilla pressed their
hosts about what lay to the east. The Indians obliged with two guides,
captives from "the kingdom of Quivira" on the eastern plains. Because
one of them looked to the Spaniards like a Turk, they called him El
Turco. The other, known as Sopete, was the same lad who had sported the
buffalo painting on his body. Despite language barriers, El Turco proved
extremely apt at communicating. He soon grasped what the invaders were
after.
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Buffalo as pictured in López de
Gómara's history, 1554.
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With the loan of El Turco and Sopete, the Spanish
column sallied forth from Cicuye. "After four days' march from this
pueblo they came upon a land flat like the sea. On these plains," wrote
an eyewitness, "is such a multitude of cattle that they are without
number." Álvarado had discovered the buffalo plains. After his
men had enjoyed some sport jousting with the beasts, the captain ordered
an about-face. He had something more important than buffalo to report to
his general.
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